The Battle of Gingindlovu

Charles Pearson had led the No. 1 Column of the British invasion force across the Tugela River with the intention of creating an advanced base at Eshowe. This they did, but found themselves besieged in the hastily constructed base, at a deserted Norwegian mission station. A relief column was organised, and under the leadership of Lord Chelmsford it departed Fort Tenedos on 29 March to march to Pearson's relief. The column composed 3,390 Europeans and 2,280 Africans, and a range of artillery, including two 9-pounders (4 kg), four 24-pounder (11 kg) rocket tubes and two Gatling guns. The progress was slow, as Chelmsford took a roundabout route to avoid ambush in the close country Pearson had previously passed through. In addition, the rivers they had to traverse were swollen by heavy rains and fearing a repeat of Isandlwana, Chelmsford ensured his men spent much time laagering and entrenching their camp at the end of each day.

Despite this slow progress, Pearson's observers at Eshowe could see the relief column laagering on the south bank of the Inyezane on the evening of 1 April. The laager was sited on a 300-foot (100 m) ridge running roughly west-east. West of the ridge, the ground dipped, only to rise again to the 470 foot (140 m) Umisi Hill. The ground sloped away in all directions, allowing a good field of fire. A trench surrounded a waist high wall of earth, which itself encompassed 120 wagons formed a square with sides of 130 yards (120 m) in length. While these defences were being constructed, a scout returned in the evening bearing news of Zulus massing on the far side of Umisi Hill. A second scouting party reported no forces there, but that an impi was camped to the north west of the laager. While the scouts could not assess the Zulu strength because of the darkness, this impi was in fact composed of 12,000 warriors, all of whom had been at Isandlwana. The impi had been ordered to ambush the relief column, and thwarted by Chelmsford already; this was their final chance to stop the column before it reached Eshowe. The night passed with no attack

At daybreak on 2 April 1879, the morning sun revealed a muddy and sodden ground and a heavy mist. Chelmsford could not move his wagons until the ground dried out, and so sent out the Natal Native Contingent to provoke the Zulus into an attack while he held a strong position. Once the mist lifted, the left horn of the impi was seen advancing eastwards over the river towards the British laager before disappearing into tall grass. A long burst of fire from one of the Gatling guns saw the warriors disappear into the long grass. When the left horn re-emerged it had joined the rest of the impi and the left horn, chest and right horn were advancing over Umisi Hill. The whole charging buffalo formation came in at a run on the three sides of the laager. This was the scenario Chelmsford had planned for, at a range of between 300 and 400 yards (300 to 400 m), the British infantry opened fire, supported by the Gatling guns and rockets. Zulu marksmen caused a few casualties within the laager, but the defenders kept the Zulus at bay and Chelmsford's defence was working. Though the Zulu regiments made persistent rushes to get within stabbing range, their charges lacked the drive and spirit that had pushed them forward at the Battle of Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift. After 20 minutes, the Zulu impi began to crumble away. Seeing this, Chelmsford ordered pursuit by the mounted troops and the native contingent. Large numbers of Zulu warriors were killed in this chase. By 07:30, the Zulus had fled and the grim task of killing Zulu wounded was undertaken.

Around the laager itself, 700 Zulu bodies were counted and 300 more were killed in the mounted chase of the retreating warriors. The British took eleven dead, including a Lieutenant-Colonel, and 48 wounded.

The battle restored Chelmsford's confidence in his army and their ability to defeat Zulu attacks. With the last resistance between Chelmsford and Pearson's columns removed, he was able to advance forward and relieve Eshowe.

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Battle of Gingindlovu.

Hi all .
Here is the Naval Brigade at Gingindlovu ....

http://cgi.ebay.co.uk/Military-print-Zulu-War-1879-Battle-Ginghilovo-/130513243502?pt=UK_Collectables_Militaria_LE&hash=item1e63320d6e

cheers 90th.

ps. I have this print form this same seller but due to lack of wallspace its still in its tube ! , where it's been for 2 yrs !!!!!.
( Wallspace can be linked to the '' Other Half " ! ) I'm sure most of you understand what that means !! .

They were naked and badly armed! Certainly took a lot of pluck to rush against the weapons and amount of men listed.

Are there any eyewitness accounts involving this battle. Would the square have been classed as a British fortification, didn't Cheteswayo forbid his armies from attacking fortified British position. They must have seen what they was going to be up against. I assuming we are going back to the doctoring of the.warriors before battle.

Dave I'm sure there are eyewitness account on the forum. I think they relate to the 13th regiment of foot.

"Chelmsford employed the reinforcements initially to relieve Eshowe. On 29th March Chelmsford’s column (3,390 Europeans and 2,280 natives) entered Zululand, moving slowly across the swampy terrain and forming wagon laagers with external entrenchments every night. Travelling without tents, new soldiers, like Private C. Coe (3/60th Rifles), despaired of the torrential rains at night. On the morning of 2nd April, when the relief force was still ensconced within its entrenched square laager at Gingindlovu, some 6,000 Zulus attacked. For an hour they swept round the sides of the square, suffering heavy casualties from the disciplined volleys and the Gatling guns at two corners (two naval 9-pounders fired from the other corners). Once again Zulu fire- power proved largely ineffective (leaving 15 killed, 49 wounded and 3 severely wounded), but their skirmishing and bravery were highly praised. Captain William Crauford (91st) admired ‘very much the way they advanced to the attack, our men can’t hold a candle to them . . .’.Whereas Private Coe regarded the fire-fight as ‘fine sport whilst we were going at it’, a colour-sergeant of the 91st commented: ‘Nothing in the world could stand our fire . . . yet very hard to see our fellow-crea- tures sent to eternity’. As the Zulus withdrew, the mounted infantry and natives pursued them, killing many of the wounded and retreating enemy. Dr A. A. Woods was appalled by the difficulty of treating the wounded with ‘very defective’ medical stores and appliances; the con- finement of wounded Zulu prisoners, left lying in the mud that ‘did not by any means redound to our credit as a civilised nation’; and the behaviour of the native auxiliaries: ‘Cowards naturally, they fear a Zulu as one would a mad dog. Dirty, lazy, and gluttonous beyond all conception, these are the allies who are helping to fight the Zulus, and whom their own officers utterly despise and treat as beasts.’Gingindlovu, nonetheless, was another decisive victory with over 700 Zulus killed and the relief of Eshowe accomplished on the following day"

Dave
I'm certain there are eye-witness reports of this battle , I think I've posted them previously , if I havent someone would've .
Use the search box , type in Gingindlovu I'm sure what you want will be there . Cetswayo did forbid his troops to attack fortified positions , but , as we know , they did so at R.D , Khambula , Gingindlovu and Ulundi .
90th.

I think they would have had second thoughts, if they hadn't been doctored.

I think it has been mentioned before, possibly regarding Ulundi. But the same could have applied in this battle.

Again it's a what "If"

What if the Zulus didn't attack, just remained out of shot surrounding the Britsh square. How long could the British have lasted before being forced to attack the Zulu, which would have meant breaking the square formation. With regards to supplies the Zulu could have supplies brought in on a daily bases. Who could have come to Chelmsford aid.
With the amount of troops in the square, food and water wound not have lasted long. Pearson could not have done anything apart from observe from his fort.

The British certainly would have been up the creek without a paddle.

Had the Zulus that attacked the British at Gingindlovu experienced the Gatling gun before, those that attack Pearson Column had, but did they take part in this battle. There is a Zulu Warrior account, relating to the Gatling Gun, but I not sure if it was this battle or Kambula?

http://www.antiquarianauctions.com/bids/zulu-natal-and-the-natal-mounted-police

Is this the gatling your refering to?

Cheers

  Well Springbok. I never believed what they said about you.

John,

Just for your information there were no Gatling Guns at Khambula.

Springbok,

The machine guns in that photograph album are Maxim Guns which were first used in southern Africa by Rhodes' British South Africa Company in 1893 against the Ndebele, ten years after Maxim first patented the weapon in 1883.

'Jimu

The Maxim a lot better that the Gatling gun.

A Maxim is a conclusion upon observation of matters of fact, and is merely speculative. Samuel Coleridge.

John

Believe it all.  

“Whatever happens, we have got
The Maxim gun, and they have not.”

Hilaire Belloc

Ulundi wrote:

I think they would have had second thoughts, if they hadn't been doctored.

I think it has been mentioned before, possibly regarding Ulundi. But the same could have applied in this battle.

Again it's a what "If"

What if the Zulus didn't attack, just remained out of shot surrounding the Britsh square. How long could the British have lasted before being forced to attack the Zulu, which would have meant breaking the square formation. With regards to supplies the Zulu could have supplies brought in on a daily bases. Who could have come to Chelmsford aid.
With the amount of troops in the square, food and water wound not have lasted long. Pearson could not have done anything apart from observe from his fort.

Someone will hopefully confirm, but I do believe that the British square was capable of being mobile, moving in this formation across the battlefield, I'm sure this happen at Ulundi!

Hi CTSG.
Yes you are right in what you say , the square or oblong as I've seen it described was formed after crossing the river , not to sure of the distance the square / oblong proceeded , I do seem to remember a mile or so . Laband states in his book that its a difficult task in rough terrain to maintain square , although it was handled quite well in the appraoch to Ulundi .
90th.

When was the extended line formation, brought in, and was it ever used prior to the Zulu War, where a mass attack was used,

CTSG
As 90th says around a mile. Thats the figure Chelmsford states in his official report. The square was moved after the lancers were released and headed closer to Ulundi itself, around another 700 yards.

Here let me add my grandfather's recall of the battle.  He was a Sapper in the 30th Company, RE and his short narrative adds insight from the ranks:

Our next stopping place was Simon's Bay, some eight miles from Cape Town.  Of course there was eager anxiety to learn what had occurred during the voyage to the troops at the front.  We were relieved to find that with the exception of skirmishes nothing important had happened, nor was likely to happen until sufficient reinforcements arrived to enable Lord Chelmsford to assume the offensive for the relief of the beleaguered defenders of Fort Ekowe.   As soon as we got sufficient coal we hurried on to Durban, Natal, and landed there four days afterwards.  With the 91st, 57th, 3d Battalion of the 60th Rifles, the Naval Brigade, and a due proportion of artillery, we assembled at the Lower Tugela some sixty miles from Durban about the last days of March, 1879.  On the 30th of March we crossed the river and marched some 20 miles until we reached the Amatakula River, where we halted for the night.  Next morning we resumed our march.  All that day we could see numerous bodies of the enemy watching us, but they invariably retired on our close approach.  When we halted for the night we were within six miles, as the crow flies, of Fort Ekowe, but we knew we should not be permitted to relieve it without trying conclusions with Cetewayo's warriors, as all around us in the darkness could be seen the glimmering of fires, while we could plainly hear the songs and war dances with which the foe was celebrating in anticipation a second Isandula.  The place where we formed our laager (intrenchment) that night was called Ginginhlovo, and from that the subsequent battle took its name.  About 10 o'clock that night the rain began to fall in torrents, and continued without intermission until four or so the following morning.  As we were without tents or protection of any kind, you may guess we were in a rather draggled condition when the morn broke.  I don't believe one man in that encampment closed his eyes that night, what with the rain and the expectation of an attack by the enemy.

At the dawn we stood to our arms and the scouts were sent out to search the surrounding country.  In a few minutes they all came rushing back shouting "Zulu, Johnnie!" and we then knew that at last we should have a chance to retrieve the Isandula defeat or meet with a similar fate.  In a few moments, over the low rolling ridge facing the side of the laager I was on could be seen coming on at a run a black mass of Zulus brandishing their assegais and shields, and shouting out what they would do as soon as they got among us.  We at once knelt down to aim over the parapet, and then I found that the previous night's rain, having no outlet had collected to such a depth that it reached up to my armpits, thus necessitating the placing of my ammunition on the terreplein behind me.

Waiting until they got within 300 yards we commenced independent firing.  Speaking for myself I did not get flustered in the least.  Perhaps it was the water in which I was kneeling that tended to keep me cool.  I believe it was, as I naturally get excited at the commencement of a scrimmage, even if I do get calmer afterwards.  However, this time I endeavored to take good aim, not singling out any individual, but always firing into the thickest mass.  It was soon perceived that our Martini-Henries were knocking them over by scores.  In all directions men could be seen writhing and throwing their arms about, but regardless of our fire, the remainder kept rushing on with a courage that excited our wonderment, considering that it must have been now obvious even to the most untutored mind that not one would ever live to get into the laager.  Several of them did actually get within a few yards, but never close enough to use their murderous assegais.  Of course a great number laid down and commenced shooting at us with the rifles they had captured from the 24th and also from the camp, but their marksmanship was so poor as to only kill about 12 and wound sixty or seventy on our side.  At last, after half-an-hour's desperate attempting to get inside our intrenchment, the Zulus retired minus some 3000 of their number, upon which the mounted troops sallied out and completed the defeat.

After breakfast we wended our way to Fort Ekowe, where we found the garrison almost ready to eat us, what with hunger and joy.  They told us how distinctly they could hear the firing, and how full of anxiety they were as to the result until the strains of the "Campbells are coming", played by the pipers of the 91st Highlanders, assured them that their long siege was at an end, and that Isandula had been avenged.

Hi Rainproof .
Welcome to the forum and thanks for sharing your relative's account of the battle , my next question is what was his name ?
Cheers 90th .

2nd Corporal William M Clarke, 30th Company, Royal Engineers......a Sapper. I gave his descriptions of RE service to the RE museum at Chstham back in 1995.

Hi Rainproof .
Thanks for that , I looked him up on the Roll when you gave his service number on the other thread .   
cheers 90th.

I seem to recall reading somewhere (although I can't find the source now) that after the battle the soldiers went out and killed all the wounded zulu's. Would be interested to know whether this was true and whether it was common practice?

I also seem to recall seeming a photograph of dead zulu's which must have been taken sometime after the battle as they had turned into skeletons!

Someone asked for input from a participant in the battle. Below are the recollections of my grandfather, William M. Clarke, written in 1895. He was a Sapper in the Royal Engineers 30th Company:

"Having brought up the tale to the point where my own connection with it begins, I wil:"l return to England where the reinforcements were being hurried off as fast as transportation could be procured. My company left Aldershot on a cold winter's morning and embarked on the "Palmyra" at Portsmouth, which place we left that afternoon amid much cheering. The Marine Band from Gosport, and the Marine Artillery Band from Eastney, came and played farewell airs as we steamed out of the harbor. Before I forget it, I must also say that ere we left the wharf, any amount of pretty girls came aboard, and such a scene of promiscuous kissing ensued as would have delighted old Gen. Sherman if he had been there. I have nothing now as a memento of that occasion except that New Testament which you have seen, and which was given me by an old lady.

After a rough voyage across the Bay of Biscay we sighted Madeira the fourth day after our departure from Portsmouth, but did not call in. Already we felt the change of temperature, as the air was warm and balmy, while in Aldershot when we left there was at least a foot of snow on the ground. On the ninth day, we anchored at the Cape de Verde Islands for the purpose of taking in coal. Here it was uncomfortably warm, the pitch melting in the seams of the decks.

Our next stopping place was Simon's Bay, some eight miles from Cape Town. Of course there was eager anxiety to learn what had occurred during the voyage to the troops at the front. We were relieved to find that with the exception of skirmishes nothing important had happened, nor was likely to happen until sufficient reinforcements arrived to enable Lord Chelmsford to assume the offensive for the relief of the beleaguered defenders of Fort Ekowe. As soon as we got sufficient coal we hurried on to Durban, Natal, and landed there four days afterwards. With the 91st, 57th, 3d Battalion of the 60th Rifles, the Naval Brigade, and a due proportion of artillery, we assembled at the Lower Tugela some sixty miles from Durban about the last days of March, 1879. On the 30th of March we crossed the river and marched some 20 miles until we reached the Amatakula River, where we halted for the night. Next morning we resumed our march. All that day we could see numerous bodies of the enemy watching us, but they invariably retired on our close approach. When we halted for the night we were within six miles, as the crow flies, of Fort Ekowe, but we knew we should not be permitted to relieve it without trying conclusions with Cetewayo's warriors, as all around us in the darkness could be seen the glimmering of fires, while we could plainly hear the songs and war dances with which the foe was celebrating in anticipation a second Isandula. The place where we formed our laager (intrenchment) that night was called Ginginhlovo, and from that the subsequent battle took its name. About 10 o'clock that night the rain began to fall in torrents, and continued without intermission until four or so the following morning. As we were without tents or protection of any kind, you may guess we were in a rather draggled condition when the morn broke. I don't believe one man in that encampment closed his eyes that night, what with the rain and the expectation of an attack by the enemy.

At the dawn we stood to our arms and the scouts were sent out to search the surrounding country. In a few minutes they all came rushing back shouting "Zulu, Johnnie!" and we then knew that at last we should have a chance to retrieve the Isandula defeat or meet with a similar fate. In a few moments, over the low rolling ridge facing the side of the laager I was on could be seen coming on at a run a black mass of Zulus brandishing their assegais and shields, and shouting out what they would do as soon as they got among us. We at once knelt down to aim over the parapet, and then I found that the previous night's rain, having no outlet had collected to such a depth that it reached up to my armpits, thus necessitating the placing of my ammunition on the terreplein behind me.

Waiting until they got within 300 yards we commenced independent firing. Speaking for myself I did not get flustered in the least. Perhaps it was the water in which I was kneeling that tended to keep me cool. I believe it was, as I naturally get excited at the commencement of a scrimmage, even if I do get calmer afterwards. However, this time I endeavored to take good aim, not singling out any individual, but always firing into the thickest mass. It was soon perceived that our Martini-Henries were knocking them over by scores. In all directions men could be seen writhing and throwing their arms about, but regardless of our fire, the remainder kept rushing on with a courage that excited our wonderment, considering that it must have been now obvious even to the most untutored mind that not one would ever live to get into the laager. Several of them did actually get within a few yards, but never close enough to use their murderous assegais. Of course a great number laid down and commenced shooting at us with the rifles they had captured from the 24th and also from the camp, but their marksmanship was so poor as to only kill about 12 and wound sixty or seventy on our side. At last, after half-an-hour's desperate attempting to get inside our intrenchment, the Zulus retired minus some 3000 of their number, upon which the mounted troops sallied out and completed the defeat."

Hi,

I believe it was common practise for the wounded Zulus to be killed - mainly by the Natal Natives.

At RD a large number of Zulus were killed by both the NNIC and the regulars but they were a bit angry at having seen the mess of the camp (& garrison) at Isandlwana and the 'poor drummer boys' ( ) - some were reputed to have buried alive albeit wounded but I dunno.

I think it was Hamilton Browne who said something along the lines of 'war is war and savage war is the worst' in justifying his mens actions.

The Zulus did not have a culture of mercy after a battle and during the pursuits at Khambula and Ulundi, the British reciprocated.

There's a tale of a fleeing Zulu being brought to the halt by a British (or irregular) officer, who asked why should he not shoot the Zulu and the Zulu said that was "the Zulu way but not the British way".

I'm not sure in what language this exchange took place, but its in one of the books I have read (Blood on the Painted Mountain?)

Cheers

Sime

Hi Victorian Dad
I think the photo showing zulu skeletons was taken at Ulundi from memory .
90th

There were a couple taken at Gin. I dug one out of the archives a couple of years back.

Hi Frank
I pulled out one book which was ' The NAM Book Of The AZW ' by Ian K , the photo in it shows two Zulu Skeletons photographed at Gingindlovhu .
90th

Morning Gary, yep same photos, Im sure IK has used them in Fearful hard Times.

Hi Frank
Yes , the same pic is in Fearful Hard Times , I did think I'd seen one from Ulundi , unless I'm mistaken ? .
90th

Nope your not mistaken Gary there is one from the Ulundi battlefields. Page185 Brave mens blood

Thanks Frank , the pic is on page 204 of my soft covered Edition of ' Brave Men's Blood .
90th

Page 107 (hard back edition) of Brave Men's Blood - with the caption -

Zulu skeletons on the field of Gingindlovu. Both shields visible are black and white spots, suggesting the dead are from one of the younger amabutlo.

I like the look of the Victorian Navy.

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Zulu remains on the field of Gingindlovu.
John Young Collection.

JY

This photo is also shown on page 95 of Michael Barthorp's "The Zulu War, A Pictorial History". many good photos in this book. Nitro450

Yes Nitro , I believe it to be an underrated publication , many photo's .
90th

Too right 90th, and both of my Regiments, the 88th and 90th get a good mention and some photos. It was one of the first books I bought on the subject and still a favourite.
Nitro.

Nitro 450 & 90th,

You must have a different edition than I then, as the photographs are not the same.

Granted they have a similar content, but they are taken at a different angle altogether.

JY

Hi JY
I was only mentioning that it's an under rated book , after reading your post I checked the pic in Barthorp's , and yes , you are correct , Nitro mentions the earlier pic posted was from Barthorp , that's incorrect , as you say , it's a different pic on Page 95 from Barthorp , Nitro , my mate , is from New South Wales , we should go easy on him , as they aren't the sharpest tools in the box !. All the rain they've had may've caused him a problem or two with saturation of the brain box ! . I'll hang on for his reply !!
90th

Gary,

Will I see you in London on 22nd of this month?

I only ask as your dinner date is in town...

JY

Hi JY
Unfortunately not , didn't know the Major was heading to the UK ! HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA , will probably catch up Jan 22 !
90th